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sovereignty, but because the establishment of these new orders did not actually aim to the inauguration of new conditions. It was only all about faking moves. Unfortunately, our blind soldiers and distracted veterans could not see how fake the moves were.

To take a few examples, President Abraham Lincoln himself, the very father of the American Negro’s emancipation (I am using the term ‘Negro’ here because it semantically fits into this context), did not choke on his words whence he declared that he was not interested in the freedom of the Negro, but rather in the union of America; which resulted in him holding on to the position that if he could unite America without setting the Negro free, he would do so. But if setting the Negro free was the only road to uniting America, then he would have to set the Negro free for the sake of union. In President Lincoln’s own mind, the emancipation of the Negro was not an end, but a means to an end. Quite naively, it was taken for an end by many.

Approximately ninety years later, President Charles de Gaulle, the father of Africa’s decolonisation, found himself in a similar situation on the other side of the Atlantic, whence he did, too, very diplomatically spouse an identical position by propounding that he was not interested in the decolonisation of Africa. All he was interested in was to make peace with Africa on the issue of the Africans who had died to liberate France from German occupation and in the name of whom many Africans were now requesting some kind of political payment – independence –; which resulted in de Gaulle holding on to the position that if he could make peace with Africa and keep colonialism, he would do so. But if decolonisation was the only

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